Coca-Cola and ice cream to defeat Japan

In their seminal book Conflict, which was reviewed here recently, General Petraeus and Lord Roberts posit that, in warfare, “the side that learns and adapts the fastest typically prevails.” An ageless lesson, throughout military history.

As geopolitics evolves, my interest in the Pacific theatre during World War II has increased significantly lately. To prevail against the Empire of the Rising Sun, the US Navy needed to destroy its crucial naval power, which dominated its sphere of influence for five decades. Curtailing Japanese supply lines, notably to deprive its fleet and troops of oil, was instrumental. To that end, American forces would be attacking the islands it occupied. “Capturing these outposts in the middle of the ocean would not only deny them to the Japanese, it would bring the Allied forces closer to Japan itself”, writes renowned military historian James Holland in Victory against Japan 1944-1945, published as part of his insightful contribution to the Ladybird Expert Series (Penguin Random House).

The author also evokes the military ineffectiveness of Chinese Nationalist warlord Chiang Kai-Shek “despite the United States’ two years of ceaseless supplies”, the inestimable contribution of future Marshal Bill Slim and Special Operations Executive (SOE) teams in Burma and the appearance of the B-29 “Superfortress” in the Pacific, “the most expensive single weapons system ever built” up to that point.

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Entre guerres

Dans les cours de relations internationales qui ont émaillé mes études universitaires, on nous savonnait les oreilles avec cette théorie selon laquelle la fin de la Guerre froide marquait la fin de la dominance de la geste militaire, du moins comme nous la connaissions jusque-là.

Le fracas des armes appartenait à une période révolue. Il fallait désormais composer avec « l’invention d’un nouveau concept d’opération militaire dont nous allions avoir le redoutable privilège d’inaugurer les contradictions insolubles », « l’intervention humanitaire », pour emprunter les mots utilisés par le général français François Lecointre (retraité) dans son livre Entre guerres (Gallimard).

De l’Irak à la Bosnie, en passant par le Rwanda et Djibouti – pour ne citer que quelques théâtres d’opérations – celui qui sera appelé à occuper la fonction de chef d’état-major des armées françaises entre 2017 et 2021 est issu d’une famille ayant contribué aux belles pages de l’histoire militaire française. Né en 1962, année de la crise de missiles à Cuba, la carrière de François Lecointre correspond à une période durant laquelle l’on croit que l’odeur du cambouis passe au second plan.

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Conflict: The study of warfare at its best

I was impatient to dive between the covers of General David Petraeus (retired) and Lord Roberts book, Conflict: The Evolution of Warfare from 1945 to Ukraine and saying I’m happy I did is a euphemism.

The best way for me to review this enthralling book is to get off the beaten path and summarize the 10 main takeaways that strike me the most.

1. Whatever you think of it, “war is still very much worth studying.” That’s the common thread of the book.

2. Totalitarian régimes have an easier time launching, conducting and bearing the brunt of war. The rise of autocracies throughout the world is therefore a challenge for democracies not accustomed with the pugilistic mindset.

3. Don’t cut military spending. “Money saved in piecemeal defense cuts often costs more in the long run.” The authors mention Great Britain’s decision to axe HMS Endurance before the Falklands War as a case in point. They also refer to Israel’s defense cuts after the Six Days War, with the consequences that followed six years later on the fateful morning of Kippur. Deterrence is cheap compared to war’s tribute in blood and treasure.

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Le Hamas, ennemi mortel de l’Occident

J’ai toujours apprécié la plume et les analyses de Michel Goya et j’étais impatient de plonger le nez dans son dernier livre L’embrasement : Comprendre les enjeux de la guerre Israël-Hamas (Perrin / Robert Laffont). À quelques bémols près, sur lesquels je reviendrai en deuxième partie, je n’ai pas été déçu.

Dans la tourmente actuelle, un constat s’impose. Israël a très mal jaugé son adversaire. Le Hamas est à des années lumières d’une troupe de lanceurs de pierres ou de terroristes improvisés. C’est un ennemi mortel « bien organisé et bien équipé », faisant preuve d’ingéniosité qui a laissé l’armée israélienne aveugle et sourde devant le péril qui se dessinait et qui l’a frappé au crépuscule le 7 octobre.

À cet égard, certains passages m’ont causé beaucoup d’étonnement. D’abord, celui de l’utilisation par le Hamas, d’« une flotte de petits drones-munitions bricolés, [grâce à laquelle] l’organisation terroriste détruit [au moment de son incursion sanguinaire] caméras optiques et thermiques, détecteurs de mouvement, antennes-relais sur la clôture et les tours de guet ainsi que les mitrailleuses téléopérées placées dans des petites tours en béton. » Comme quoi la meilleure technologie du monde doit parfois s’agenouiller devant des adversaires déterminés qui savent la contourner. Ce dont atteste une seconde affirmation, selon laquelle « le service de renseignement du Hamas a cartographié patiemment tous les points sensibles le long de celle-ci [la barrière de sécurité entre Gaza et Israël] et organisé très précisément la manière de les neutraliser. »

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In the footsteps of Golda Meir

Let’s talk about an Israeli Prime Minister who is “an accomplished player in the rough-and-tumble world” of Jewish politics. An extremely talented communicator who can excite supporters and who plays on the American public scene like a virtuoso. At the same time, that leader generates strong feelings – positive and negative – among certain groups, particularly at home. This is a head of government whose political survival is threatened by an existential war launched against the country while its defenders are caught off guard.

Reading these lines, the image of Benjamin Netanyahu will certainly come to your mind. That is, if you are interested in current Israeli political history.

Considering the similarities quoted above, one could argue that the current Prime Minister walks in the footsteps of Golda Meir, in whose care the country was entrusted between 1969 and 1974.

I am fully aware that drawing parallels is a road on which one must tread carefully – after all these two leaders belong in two opposite ideological and partisan camps – but I could not avoid mentioning these striking parallels.

The life and career of the fourth Prime Minister of Israel – and only woman to occupy that function – have piqued my curiosity for quite a long time now. Thanks to the expertise and talent of Professor Deborah E. Lipstadt, who currently serves as the U.S State Department’s Special Envoy for Monitoring and Combating Antisemitism, an excellent opportunity has been granted me through Yale University Press’ excellent Jewish Lives Collection.

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James Bond with a kippah

Yesterday’s attack against Israel launched by Iran using drones was yet another illustration that this country lives under an ongoing existential threat. Yet, the war against Israel is not new. The Ayatollahs’ régime is waging it since it seized power in Tehran in 1979. Ever since, it invested wealth of resources and imagination to eradicate Israel. The continued efforts to acquire the nuclear bomb features in that evil military toolbox.

The efforts deployed by Israel to counter and prevent this deadly scenario to materialize is at the center of Target Tehran: How Israel Is Using Sabotage, Cyberwarfare, Assassination – and Secret Diplomacy – to Stop a Nuclear Iran and Create a New Middle East (Simon & Schuster) by Yonah Jeremy Bob and Ilan Evyatar.

Ever since Tehran is trying to build the bomb, Israel has worked around the clock to expose this evil machination. Things came to a head on April 30, 2018, when Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu unveiled the content of Iran’s nuclear secrets to the world in a brilliant press conference. The denunciation of Tehran’s hypocrisy was made possible by a Mossad operation to seize archives from the belly of the beast.

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The Ferocious Battle for Normandy

In less than 60 days, we will commemorate the 80th anniversary of D-Day, the Allied landing in Normandy on June 6th, 1944. The celebrations surrounding that event are already under way. In the last hours, the French Ambassador to Canada travelled to Regina, the capital of Saskatchewan, to present the Légion d’honneur – France’s highest distinction established by Napoleon in 1802 – to a 104-year-old veteran who set foot on the beach on that fateful morning.

As we salute these men and prepare to sadly see the last ones depart for eternity, the need for remembrance becomes ever more crucial. Historians play an essential role on that score. Plenty of great books have been written about the longest day and the campaign that followed.

I just finished reading James Holland’s contribution to that impressive list, through the Ladybird Expert Book series. For anyone wanting to grasp the development of the Battle for Normandy in a summarized and vividly written style, this book is a must.

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Churchill and the SAS

As a big fan of anything related to Special Forces, commandos, and covert operations, I enjoyed immensely reading Joshua Levine’s book SAS: The Authorized Illustrated History of the SAS (William Collins) during the Holidays. Incidentally, I finished reading it a few hours after I learnt that Mike Sadler, the last of the original members of the SAS (Special Air Service) had passed away.

Joshua Levine’s book is filled with breathtaking operations and incomparable characters, like Mike Sadler, David Stirling, Dudley Clarke, Paddy Mayne and Jock Lewes – among many who all played a crucial role in this inspiring chapter of World War II.

The main lesson I take from the author’s work is more political. History is full of fantastic ideas or projects that never lifted off the ground because they were not supported by the right people against all odds. The legendary SAS is not one of those. Bestselling author of Dunkirk, which was written in conjunction with the 2017 movie, Joshua Levine has a keen eye for military exploits.

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Morale: Determining Factor in the Desert War

“It was a combination of weight of arms and the grim determination of the men on the ground as well as air power that brought victory to the British”, writes historian James Holland in his book about The Desert War in the Ladybird Expert series.

The renowned author starts his book with an observation about the lack of enthusiasm among the crowd massed on the square facing the Palazzo Venezia when Italian dictator Benito Mussolini declared war on June 10, 1940. Italians were not fervent about fighting alongside the Germans. The feeling would have fateful consequences in the fight for the Mediterranean.

In October 1940, the Duce decided to invade Greece, probably motivated by the desire to prove his worth to his German ally. It was a bad decision that forced Hitler’s hand to send troops to the Mediterranean theatre. The Führer became obsessed with his southern flank and devoted considerable resources to beef it up.

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“It’s hard to be a Jew”

Mark Twain declared that “history doesn’t repeat itself, but it often rhymes.” Any student of Israel’s history certainly had that feeling on October 7, when the country was attacked the day after the festival of Sukkot, a significant moment in the Jewish calendar. Historians will undoubtedly spend lots of time and expertise drawing similarities between the surprise attack that marked the start of the Yom Kippur War on October 6, 1973, and the latest murderous incursions launched by Hamas terrorists last month.

Few weeks prior to that “date which will live in infamy” to borrow FDR’s words, author Uri Kaufman released an enthralling book, Eighteen Days in October: The Yom Kippur War and How It Created the Modern Middle East (St. Martin’s Press). From cover to cover, this book details the very existential nature of this war – or any armed conflict – for Israel’s survival. On several occasions, Israel could have lost, marking the end of the Jewish State.

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