Jens Stoltenberg and the “Trump Effect”

Prima facie, the relationship between President Donald Trump and NATO is delicate. The role of Secretary General of the organization is anything but a sinecure. Yet the relationship between the resident of Avenue Louise in Brussels and the occupant of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington stands out for its closeness. In Le Figaro, the astute journalist Florentin Collomp even wrote that Mark Rutte “is probably the only European capable of influencing the will of the President of the United States.” And as Collomp notes, it was following a meeting with NATO’s Secretary General at the Davos Forum that Donald Trump announced his dramatic reversals on Greenland and tariffs. Personal relationships are clearly crucial in international relations—especially with the US President. We could even say any US President.


This may come as a surprise to some, yet the closeness between the American statesman and the captain of the NATO ship fits within a clear continuum. In his memoirs, Jens Stoltenberg—former Norwegian Labour Prime Minister and current Finance Minister—describes a relationship that, exhausting as it may have been, proved beneficial. Stoltenberg, who accepted the post at Barack Obama’s invitation and had his term renewed under both Donald Trump and Joe Biden, candidly admits in his memoir, On My Watch: Leading NATO in a Time of War (Norton) to having adopted a strongly critical stance toward the United States in his youth. He also confesses to underestimating the chances of victory of the real estate mogul. Jens Stoltenberg is certainly no MAGA sympathizer—but his assessment is unambiguous: “When Donald Trump’s first term as President came to an end, NATO was stronger than it had been when he took office.” Intriguing, isn’t it?

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Le réalisme de Donald Trump

Je suis plongé depuis quelques jours dans la biographie de Turenne, ce grand capitaine qui figurait parmi les figures héroïques qui ont inspiré Napoléon, par Arnaud Blin. L’auteur y expose que la formation de son sujet a coïncidé « avec l’apogée du « siècle de fer », période allant du milieu du XVIe siècle à la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle », une époque faste dans l’histoire de la polémologie. Observant, dans une lecture collée sur l’actualité, le glissement du monde vers ce qu’il qualifie de « logiques impériales », Dominique de Villepin écrit, dans son dernier ouvrage Le Pouvoir de dire non, que « nous sommes entrés dans un nouvel âge de fer ». Quatre siècles séparent la vie de Turenne du parcours de l’ancien premier ministre français, mais la compréhension de la géopolitique qui tient les rênes de la gouvernance du monde n’a rien perdu de son importance — de sa nécessité.

Les rayons des librairies sont bien garnis de toutes ces couvertures qui affichent le mot géopolitique. Dans le contexte actuel, c’est à la fois pertinent et vendeur. Étant moi-même féru du sujet, j’y succombe volontiers. L’un des meilleurs titres qu’il m’a été donné de dévorer récemment est le Nouveau dictionnaire amoureux de la géopolitique (Plon), d’Hubert Védrine, qui fut aux premières loges de la vie internationale auprès du président François Mitterrand — en tant que proche conseiller — puis de Jacques Chirac, comme ministre des Affaires étrangères durant la cohabitation avec Lionel Jospin.

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La Chine, cette nouvelle thalassocratie

Sillonnant les points chauds de la planète et déjouant les complots ourdis par des puissances maléfiques jusque dans l’espace, Tintin est sans doute le plus illustre géopoliticien du XXᵉ siècle — et sa légende n’est pas près de s’estomper. Les circonstances actuelles aidant, sa pertinence ne fait que se confirmer. Prenons simplement Le Lotus bleu. Le jeune reporter y suit la trace d’un réseau international de trafiquants d’armes et d’opium déjà mis au jour dans Les Cigares du Pharaon. Le cinquième album d’Hergé se déroule ainsi dans une Chine écartelée entre les grandes puissances de l’époque — la Grande-Bretagne, la France, les États-Unis et le Japon — qui imposent au pays une diplomatie de la canonnière destinée à asseoir leurs intérêts économiques et politiques.

Dans son brillant ouvrage Géopolitique de la Chine : Une nouvelle thalassocratie (PUF), le spécialiste de géopolitique maritime et militaire Hugues Eudeline rappelle que « faute d’avoir pu disposer d’une force militaire et navale moderne, l’empire du Milieu a été contraint de faire des concessions et a subi une humiliation dont la mémoire se transmet de génération en génération. » L’auteur détaille comment la Chine a navigué « pas à pas » vers son positionnement actuel de compétitrice à la domination des États-Unis, ces « héritiers historiques de la Grande-Bretagne », en tant que puissance maritime.

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Yossi Cohen: From the Shadows to the Hustings

In the new world order that is taking shape, the special relationship between Israel and the United States remains paramount. To paraphrase Sir Winston Churchill’s description of his relationship with President Franklin D. Roosevelt, “No lover ever studied every whim of his mistress” as closely as Benjamin Netanyahu did those of President Donald Trump. It therefore came as no surprise that the Israeli Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of 2026 last week at Mar-a-Lago. No one can dispute that Bibi is unparalleled when it comes to possessing a keen sense of history. But no statesman is eternal, and some actors are already jockeying to succeed him.

Former Mossad director Yossi Cohen is said to be among them, and the publication of his riveting memoir—The Sword of Freedom: Israel, Mossad, and the Secret War (Broadside Books)—will do little to calm speculation about a potential bid. The narrative spans forty-two years of service to Israel, at the heart of some of its most secret operations, including the iconic 2018 mission in which Mossad operatives seized Iran’s nuclear archives from a clandestine warehouse south of Tehran. Cohen notably served under the legendary Meir Dagan—who took him under his wing and is believed to have later recommended him to Prime Minister Netanyahu as a successor—and his aptitude for human relations, clearly a strength, naturally pointed him toward public life.

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The Presidential Satchel

Historically, the concept of war has followed a familiar script: one victor and one vanquished. However, there exists a scenario that defies this ancient logic — nuclear war. In such a case, writes Annie Jacobsen in Nuclear War: A Scenario (Dutton), “there is no such thing as capitulation. No such thing as surrender.” Only the scorched silence of what once was.

From the very first lines, the reader is drawn into a vortex of dread—a work of speculative fiction so meticulously constructed that it becomes indistinguishable from reality. This is not merely an intellectual exercise; it is a mirror held up to our world, one where the unthinkable remains entirely plausible—and where our ability to avoid catastrophe may depend less on preparedness than on our collective refusal to acknowledge the danger.

The scenario imagined by the author begins with a North Korean nuclear strike on the United States. Confronted with the unthinkable, the President has only six minutes –  six excruciating minutes – to respond, as Ronald Reagan warned in his memoirs. From this point of no return, events unfold with brutal logic, and everything collapses.

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With God on his side

“Patton is a problem child, but he is a great fighting leader in pursuit and exploration”, said General Dwight D. Eisenhower about his unconventional subordinate. That quote is in Alex Kershaw’s last book Patton’s Prayer: A True Story of Courage, Faith, and Victory in World War II (Dutton).

I have been a longtime fan of this author’s books. I have reviewed some here. I initially wanted to publish this review before Christmas in commemoration of the start of the iconic Battle of the Bulge, “the greatest ever fought, in terms of the number of US troops involved, in US military history” and “the deadliest for the US in World War II”. However, events dictated otherwise, and I told myself I had until the end of January, when the battle officially ended, to move forward with my intention.

But then came President Donald Trump’s inauguration earlier this week, and the words pronounced by Cardinal Timothy Dolan, blessing the incoming administration. The Catholic Archbishop of New York mentioned “General George Patton’s instructions to his soldiers as they began the Battle of the Bulge eight decades ago: “Pray! Pray when fighting. Pray alone. Pray with others. Pray by night. Pray by day.””

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Ike, le bien-aimé

La politique américaine est omniprésente. Ses grandes personnalités irriguent l’actualité et influencent le cours de l’histoire. À quelques jours de l’investiture du président Donald Trump pour un second mandat non consécutif, il m’apparaît pertinent de commenter la personnalité de l’un de mes présidents favoris, Dwight D. Eisenhower, à la lumière d’une excellente biographie que lui consacre l’universitaire Hélène Harter.

Dans Eisenhower : Le chef de guerre devenu président, elle retrace le parcours d’un homme qui a su tracer sa voie en misant sur des qualités singulières.

Les commémorations du 80e anniversaire du débarquement en Normandie le 6 juin 2024 ont permis à cette figure de proue des Forces alliées de faire une nouvelle apparition dans l’espace médiatique. À bon droit, puisque la contribution de celui qui « a réussi cinq débarquements » fut essentielle à la planification et au bon déroulement du « Jour J ». Tout au long de sa carrière militaire, ce fils du Kansas aura gravi méthodiquement les échelons. L’historienne spécialiste des États-Unis à l’Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne résume éloquemment son passage au Département de la guerre, entre 1929 et 1935. « Il est compétent et il sait prendre des initiatives. Les entrepreneurs qu’il a rencontrés l’apprécient aussi. Il est diplomate et arrondit les angles quand les militaires ont la réputation d’être portés aux échanges rugueux en cas de désaccord », écrit-elle à propos de cet organisateur hors pair qui aura été aux premières loges du passage des forces américaines d’une 17e place mondiale à celle d’instrument incontournable dans « l’arsenal de la démocratie ». C’est tout Eisenhower qui est résumé dans cet extrait.

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The Making of Trump 2.0

Historically, the main task of any President-elect in the United States is to form a cabinet. In the last weeks, we have seen a cascade of announcements that have raised some eyebrows. Donald Trump’s picks for key positions in his second administration might seem odd to many.

Not so much if you grab a copy of retired Lieutenant General H. R. McMaster’s insightful book At War with Ourselves: My Tour of Duty in the Trump White House (Harper).

Upon his selection as National Security Advisor by the 45th President, the military general wanted to give his boss the best of his expertise. After consulting with one of his notorious predecessors, Lieutenant General Brent Scowcroft, who masterfully seconded President George H. W. Bush, McMaster understood his role as “making the policy process work and developing options for the president; and second, advising the president with views unalloyed by the departments and their bureaucracies.” The only person that mattered to him was the President, whose foreign policy should be well served. He also perceived his role as being above partisanship. His goodwill would be rewarded with disappointment.

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Netanyahu Was Right

I had the privilege of meeting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu years ago. During our discussion, he stressed the fact that it was crucial to support Israel because it is the first line of defense of the West and its values. As a commando soldier, diplomat and statesman, this man has accumulated a vast experience fighting extremism in its most brutal forms.

I was therefore not surprised to learn that he was the first world leader to make a congratulatory call to President Donald Trump, after the Americans liberated the world of the nefarious presence of Qasem Soleimani, the Iranian warlord in charge of the Revolutionary Guards who was a combination of “James Bond, Erwin Rommel, and Lady Gaga rolled into one” for his supporters.

That information is revealed in Killing the Killers: The Secret War Against Terrorism (St. Martin’s Press) by veteran journalist Bill O’Reilly and acclaimed author Martin Dugard, whose books I reviewed on this blog.

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Planet Strongman

In his 2020 bestseller Rage, Washington legendary journalist and author Bob Woodward recalls discussing the direction of the Trump administration’s foreign policy with the President. Mentioning his dealings with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan regarding the war in Syria, the commander-in-chief said: “I get along very well with Erdogan, even though you’re not supposed to because everyone says ‘What a horrible guy’. But for me it works out good. It’s funny the relationships I have, the tougher and meaner they are, the better I get along with them. You know?”

In his captivating recent book The Age of the Strongman (Other Press), Financial Times foreign affairs commentator Gideon Rachman quotes former National Security Affairs specialist Fiona Hill when she declared that her former boss was seduced by “autocrat envy”. From Jair Bolsonaro (in Brazil) to Vladimir Putin, as well as Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), the 45th President got along quite well with those whom he perceived as being strong, an expression easily interchangeable with being autocratic. This trend was confirmed early last month when Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán took the stage at the Conservative Political Action Committee (CPAC) gathering in Dallas, Texas.

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